Britain is leaving the European Union. The effects of this on various areas of social and economic policy have been hotly debated in recent weeks, but what about language policy? This one-day conference - sponsored by the Humanities Research Centre at Sheffield Hallam University - brought together specialists to reflect on their area of expertise and its links to EU funding and regulations etc., and to consider what effects Brexit might have.

The presentations are available as follows:

Education panel
Ursula Lanvers, University of York: 'Habitus, Brexit, Policy ping pong: compulsory language learning after Brexit?' https://goo.gl/tI2s4L
Abigail Parrish, University of York: 'Language learning in schools after Brexit' https://goo.gl/qazSKH
Gabriela Meier, University of Exeter: 'Time to rethink language education in the UK?' https://goo.gl/AmTxBE

Plenary: Professor Rob Dunbar, Edinburgh University: 'UK Language Policy after Brexit: A View From the Celtic Fringe' https://goo.gl/ArDkC8

Language attitudes/biases panel
Professor Dennis Baron, University of Illinois: 'Going native: Brexit and the return to linguistic purism' https://goo.gl/c3merI
Iryce Baron, University of Illinois: 'Harry Potter and the Magic of Language' (oral delivery, no slides)

Given how recently the referendum took place, this event was not about presenting 'research findings' as such, or fully thought out solutions. It was more for thinking through possible consequences of Brexit on various aspects of UK language policy.

The plenary speaker was Professor Rob Dunbar, Chair of Celtic Languages, Literature, History and Antiquities at Edinburgh University. Rob has been a member of Bòrd na Gàidhlig (the Scottish Government's Gaelic language authority) and of Ofcom's MG Alba, which runs Gaelic language television and radio in Scotland. He has also undertaken reviews for the Council of Europe as one of their panel of experts (COMEX) who report on language situations in various member-states. His slides are linked above. His abstract is as follows:

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UK LANGUAGE POLICY AFTER BREXIT:
A VIEW FROM THE ‘CELTIC FRINGE’

Professor Rob Dunbar
Celtic and Scottish Studies,
The University of Edinburgh

The task of unravelling the impact of Brexit on UK language policy is not an easy one, for a variety of reasons. This is partly to do with the complexity of UK policy—in fact, there appear to be several policies, including those of the devolved administrations in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, those of the Westminster government, and those of a range of other actors, which include local authorities, health care trusts, and other actors. In the first part of this presentation, I will provide a brief overview of the policies of the devolved administrations and of the UK government.

The language policies of these administrations are shaped by any commitments of the UK under international law, of which UK commitments under European Union law are very important. Thus, I will explore briefly the nature of the language policy of the EU, particularly as expressed in law. There is a fairly developed language policy with regard to official languages of the EU. This policy has implications for aspects of language policy of both the UK government and those of the devolved administrations, in areas such as migration, social services and education. I will consider some of these implications.

There is a less well developed policy in relation to autochthonous languages, meaning that the direct impact of Brexit on minority language policy may not be as great as some fear. However, the indirect impact of Brexit on language policy—through, for example, EU regional funding—must also be considered.

Some concerns which have been expressed about Brexit have been based on a misunderstanding of ‘European law’ in the wider sense—which includes legal obligations of the Council of Europe, a separate entity from the EU. Brexit does not mean that the UK will cease to be a member of the Council of Europe, or that very important Council of Europe treaties in respect of UK language policies, such as the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, will cease to apply.

However, Brexit seems to be part of a wider reorientation of UK policy with respect to Europe. This is already evident in the ongoing discussion in the Conservative Party about withdrawing from another fundamentally important Council of Europe treaty, the European Convention on Human Rights. Any consideration of UK language policy—or policies—after Brexit will have to consider this.

Finally, there is the question of the continuing existence of the UK itself, in light of Scottish nationalism and Irish nationalism in Northern Ireland. This question is even more shrouded in complexity and uncertainty, but I will conclude by offering a few tentative observations on the impact of Brexit on these ‘national’ questions, and what this might mean for language policy in Scotland and Northern Ireland.
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